not a cause of this note, further about the so called "political reform" syntactic magma in which some media aim to synthesize social and political frameworks of high complexity. Just to note: political reform is one that produces a strong breakdown of order until there known as to who, how and when they make the connection represent / representative. In this sense, the Act called Sáenz Peña and the female vote are two illustrative paradigms in our country. Yes
reason for this note is to accept the challenge of synecdoche (trope that is to extend, restrict or alter in any way the meaning of words, to designate one with the name of one of its parts, or vice versa) media. We'll talk then of the damned "collector lists."
first obstacle to overcome: lack of memory, forgetfulness or just cheek on some of our leaders of different coat, of course.
Now that history has exploded in his face at last, remembering, making raconte can be an exercise healthy intellectual, and especially necessary. Let's see.
The year was 1983 and political parties were preparing to define their candidate, either in internal elections, UCR, PI and others or through a mix of conferences and internal: PJ.
Raul Alfonsin, become the exemplary model of democratic triumphs in the internal party on ... remember? ... Fernando de la Rua. What elected at that internal: only national formula. From there, at least in the Province of Buenos Aires, was summoned to another (!) Internal election for the remainder of the charges even supporters.
The presidential candidate and the UCR, led the list of delegates to the Committee only For the Province, dragged lower sheet that candidates for a large number of categories, including those of mayors and councilors.
The list was distributed to all (using an integrated agreement, the national domestic losers included) which allowed, in our city of Mar del Plata, Don Ángel Roig (National Line) triumph and was candidate for mayor, then elected.
The truth is that this list was "collecting" so true that the UCR from there always used this technique in their internal elections.
If political parties are essential tools of a democracy is not seen why it concerns objects with sizes the possibility of "collecting." Moreover, it is likely that the complete UCR own use, as has used in several provinces.
is true that with this tool and its most terrible product, lists "mirror" (same candidates led by different parties) have been recorded as winners to losers. Ruckauf's triumph over F. Meijide is perhaps the most bizarre trial.
AZA. FOR THE JOB, THE JUST. AND EDUC. CONSULTATION JUST
2,996,483. FOR CHANGE * 2,712,218
As will be appreciated the Alliance won the Province of Buenos Aires by a margin of 280,000 votes. But the asterisk is typical of the electoral and reads:
* The resolution The H. 11/01/1999 Electoral Board in its article 3 º says: Determine which corresponds to accumulate the votes of Action for the Republic party and the Democratic Center Union to those obtained by the Peronist coalition Alliance for Change, to assign the charges of the categories in which they have presented joint candidates in the elections held on October 24, 1999 in the Province of Buenos Aires ".
remember that these parties had the same candidates in their own ballots, even those added. And this was endorsed by the Board of Elections Province.
Many of the leaders of the PJ in the province at that time outlined the system now say they are opposed to any collector.
What they fear. The municipality of Quilmes gives us an answer. In 2007, Francisco "Barba" Gutiérrez, leader of the historic combative UOM and Kirchner, recovered as Social Polo electoral tool, and attached to the ballot of the Front for Victory, won the elections of his municipality, leaving behind other candidates same space.
is clear by now that, like any other policy tool, its use is directly proportional to the interests at stake.
Someone once wrote "the debate about the procedures, is inherent in politics."
For good or ill of each other, the debate about the collector is called Martin Sabbatella. It is not a theoretical debate, objectified. It is a political debate. An example might be the declarations of Hugo Curto, Governor of February 3. He tried to opportunistic
Sabbatella and in doing so requires a reflection on his own past. Error? Yes. What do you despair? Let us be clear: the possibility of breaking the order established in the Province of Buenos Aires.
In pragmatic terms: nobody in their right mind can doubt where they will be aligned on major national issues of the New National Members Meeting (remember the theme of 125), and no one doubts (less Curto and France) which will councilmen Provincial legislators and Mayors of that force, in relation to provincial status quo. They are not part of that, never will be.
Curto (only used here as modeling, with its four! Reelection)) was Menem, Duhalde, Kirchner then (through the management of Sola). It is, I guess, lot of leaders who want Scioli wiring plant to the President again the Province of Buenos Aires. Duhalde was also appointed to talk with Kirchner in 2005, when Cristina Chiche Duhalde faced. Supported the latter and with Luis Acuña (Hurlingham) and Osvaldo Amieiro (San Fernando) at 20 days of election is declared militant for the cause Nestor-led national. Page 12 said "The three-Curto, Acuña and Amieiro-were defeated in their own towns to the Front for Victory, but all managed to discount the difference at the community level to national and provincial charges came to nearly double votes" Miguel Jorquera . 10/11/2005.
He says that "Sabbatella is like Cobos" (the will to run for vice?. To make matters worse the man who wants to "help" the President, faces more than 20 cases in court.
His political articulation structure is, powerful indeed, the provincial PJ. There is a minor detail that the only condition that he successfully imposed Néstor Kirchner in 2003 was, precisely, closed lists in the province of Buenos Aires. Minor detail about the historical process, but demonstrative of the interests at stake.
The former president had the amazing ability to refer to that structure with two large movements. "Above" driving policy and firmly, by "down" empowering thousands of community leaders in the assembly of an alternative structure.
These leaders, mostly from the suburbs, but not only fear the political production of that crop. From there the course alignment and fears.
Elections in Catamarca and Chubut, they must have exacerbated heartburn. Without going into detail on them, it seems that the image of Cristina pulls strongly and breathe the air of change. Sunny or not a ballot, many of these leaders can hardly be carriers of a new era. There should be centered debate.
W. Churchill around 1922 and after being a senior minister "Tory", though liberal, was lost "his" seat in the House of Representatives. Is presented in the district of Dundee and is defeated. These are his comments: "Huge masses of people who until then had not been entitled to vote for not paying taxes, poor women and girls of the mill went to the polls in recent two hours of election day (...). Most victory gained in my previous fifteen thousand votes, I am swept away and lost by ten thousand. " Hagan
numbers.
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